Motherhood Penalty in Career Development
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摘要: 两性在劳动力市场的差异是性别不平等的重要体现,也会加剧其他领域的性别不平等。其中,生育惩罚是指女性在劳动力市场中由于生育事件带来的负面影响,能解释相当部分劳动力市场中的两性差异。尽管这一领域的研究历时悠久,但一直缺乏系统化的梳理。本文回顾了国内外研究,对不同时代、不同区域的生育惩罚进行量化,探讨了个人、家庭和政策层面影响生育惩罚的主要因素,特别就中国的情况进行了分析说明。本文强调生育与生产的矛盾,将关于生育惩罚产生的机制梳理为家庭制约论、人力资本论和雇主歧视论三个方面,并从劳动力市场的供需两侧,提出通过赋能女性和创造机会的方式平衡家庭和工作,最终减轻生育惩罚的方法。文末给出了具体的政策建议,并就若干开放性议题进行了讨论。Abstract: The gender gap in labor market is an important issue in gender inequality. It will also enlarge gender differences in other fields. Among them, motherhood penalty refers to the negative impacts of the birth event on women career development, which could explain a considerable part of the gender gap within labor market. Although extensive studies have been accomplished, a comprehensive landscape of this domain has not yet been built. In this survey, the related progresses, including the quantification and comparison of motherhood penalty in different times and regions are presented and the main factors affecting the strength of motherhood penalty from the individual, family and political perspectives are discussed, where the emphasis is put on Chinese situations. Concentrating on the contradiction between labor and labor, this survey summarizes the known explanations into three different yet related theories: family restriction theory, human capital theory and employer discrimination theory. From the supply and demand sides of the labor market, we suggest two ways, namely empowering women and creating opportunities, to help women balance their family and working duties. Lastly, we propose political recommendations and outline a number of open issues for future researches.
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Key words:
- career development /
- gender equality /
- motherhood penalty
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图 3 各国在STEM学科中的女性占比与全球整体性别平等指数的关系(纵坐标为全球整体性别平等指数(global gender gap index),数值越大表示越平等;横坐标为各国在STEM学科中的女性占比。这两个参数整体上呈现出负相关[7])
图 4 不同行业中人工智能人才的占比,其中浅蓝色为男性占比,深蓝色为女性占比。以第一行“软件与IT服务”为例,该行业从业人口中男性具备人工智能能力占32.5%,而仅有7.4%是女性,存在显著差距[3]。
图 5 中国城乡两性年收入分布[15]
图 7 1970~1995年间,OECD21成员国平均生育率(TFR)与15~64岁的女性劳动参与率(FPR)的相关系数随年份的变化[20]
图 8 丹麦女性与男性在生育事件发生前后的收入变化。纵坐标为相对于生育事件发生前一年的收入水平;横坐标为时间(以生育时间发生为参照)[4]。
图 9 不同现代化水平下妻子平均每周家务劳动时间和妻子的相对收入之间的关系[31]
图 10 不同婚姻状态中男性和女性平均每周进行家务劳动的时间[52]
图 11 延长产假前后奥地利女性劳动力市场中的表现(上述女性样本中的分娩时间均为1990.6.1~1990.7.31,虚线表示延长产假改革前,实线表示延长产假改革后[55])
图 12 OECD各国与生育相关的政策组合差异。(图中的点为OECD成员国,任意两点之间的距离代表着两国与生育直接相关的政策模式的相似性,距离越近越相似,每个国家点的大小代表该国家相关政策制度的在坐标轴上的典型性。横坐标表示针对3岁以下幼儿的在职父母提供福利支持的程度:坐标轴左端的国家,政府福利制度更关注低龄儿童(例如公共托幼机构等)能有效缓解双职工家庭在生育和生产中产生的矛盾;横坐标右端的国家,政府福利制度的财政支出大部分投入在学龄儿童的教育,对女性生育惩罚的影响有限。纵坐标代表着产假期/育儿假的慷慨程度,处于纵坐标上端的国家产假时间更长[60]。)
图 13 男性和女性在不同激励目标时选择是否参加竞争的比例[70]
图 15 男女性别观念变化情况。纵坐标是受访男性和女性中认同“男主外、女主内”和“干得好不如嫁得好”这两个观点的人数比例[15]。
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